973.7L63 
B7PS7p 


PRESIDENT    LINCOLN 


CHICAGO  MEMORIAL 


EMANCIPATION. 


Sfunb  ^Publication,  QHo.   2T. 


PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


AND    THE 


CHICAGO  MEMORIAL  ON  EMANCIPATION, 


A  Paper  read  before  the  Maryland  Historical  Society, 

December    IStli,    1887, 
BY 

REV.  W.  W.  PATTON,  D.  D.,  LL.  D., 

PRESIDENT  OF  HOWARD  UNIVERSITY. 


,  1888. 


PEABODY  PUBLICATION  FUND. 


COMMITTEE  ON  PUBLICATION. 

1887-88. 

HENRY  STOCK  BRIDGE, 
JOHN  W.  M.  LEE, 
BRADLEY  T.  JOHNSON. 


PRINTED  BY  JOHN  MUBPUT  &  Co. 

PRINTERS  TO  THE  MARYLAND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 
BALTIMORE,   1S88. 


PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


AND  THE 


Chicago  Memorial  on  Emancipation. 


FIlHE    great    civil   war   which,    for    four    years, 
threatened  the  destruction  of  the  American 


1 


Union,  was  preceded  by  a  movement  more 
radical  and  important  than  the  political  struggle 
between  the  Northern  and  Southern  States,  over 
the  question,  whether  Freedom  should  be  national 
and    Slavery   sectional,   or   Slavery   national   and 
Freedom  sectional.      The  debates  upon  the  com- 
promises of  the  Constitution  and  upon  the  com- 
parative   profit    of    free    and    slave    labor    were 
secondary  to  the   discussion  of  the   moral   issue, 
as    to    the    rightfulness    of    slave-holding.      That 
discussion    commenced    shortly   after   the   war   of 
the  Revolution.      It  was  entered  into  largely  by 
L0the    Congregational    ministers    of   New    England, 
:  and    the    Presbyterian    ministers    in    the    other 
r6  States,    and    culminated    in    the    emphatic    anti- 


slavery  action,  unanimously  taken,  in  1818,  by 
the  General  Assembly  of  the  Presbyterian  Church, 
pronouncing  slavery  "  a  gross  violation  of  the 
most  precious  and  sacred  rights  of  human  nature, 
utterly  inconsistent  with  the  law  of  God,  which 
requires  us  to  love  our  neighbor  as  ourselves, 
and  totally  irreconcilable  with  the  spirit  and 
principles  of  the  gospel  of  Christ,  which  enjoin 
that  all  things  whatsoever  ye  would  that  men 
should  do  to  you,  do  ye  even  so  to  them." 
But  this  contemplated  gradual  emancipation.  A 
new  agitation  began,  about  ten  years  later,  under 
the  lead  of  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  based  on 
the  doctrine  of  immediate  emancipation,  as  the 
duty  of  the  master  and  the  right  of  the  slave. 
Soon  passing  beyond  the  control  of  this  leader, 
to  his  manifest  regret  and  unceasing  complaint 
as  to  ideas  and  methods,  it  largely  affected  the 
sentiment  of  all  the  Protestant  denominations  at 
the  North,  with  the  comparative  exception  of  the 
Episcopal  Church ;  in  some  cases  resulting  in 
ecclesiastical  divisions,  and  diffusing  a  widespread 
interest  in  the  problem  of  American  Slavery. 
The  Southern  States  and  the  mere  politicians  of 
the  North  never  understood  the  breadth  and 
depth  of  this  religious  conviction,  which  brought 
up  the  subject  persistently  in  ecclesiastical  bodies, 
made  it  the  theme  of  pulpit  discourses,  discussed 
it  in  the  religious  newspapers,  and  gave  it  a 


continual  place  in  public  and  private  prayer. 
But  this  conviction  explains  why  it  was  that, 
in  the  course  of  years,  the  great  mass  of  the 
Protestant  church-members  at  the  North  were 
gathered  into  the  ranks  of  the  Republican  party. 
We  are  prepared,  by  this  glance  at  the  moral 
and  Christian  aspect  of  the  conflict,  to  understand 
what  must  have  been  the  feelings  and  expecta- 
tions of  a  large  part  of  the  religious  community 
at  the  North,  when,  in  the  interest  of  slavery, 
the  South  madly  seceded  from  the  Federal  Union, 
and  essayed  to  destroy  the  work  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary Fathers.  They  could  not  but  believe  that 
the  hour  of  destiny  had  struck;  that  the  thunder 
of  the  rebel  guns  against  Sumter  was  the  death - 
knell  of  slavery ;  that"  the  answer  to  their  fervent 
prayers  had  at  last  come ;  not,  indeed,  as  they 
had  hoped,  through  the  peaceful  agency  of  reli- 
gion and  politics,  but,  as  they  had  feared, 
through  the  retributive  agency  of  bloody  war. 
They  saw  that,  by  invoking  war  in  defence  of 
their  cherished  institution,  the  slave-holders  had 
also  bared  its  breast  to  the  sword ;  that  national 
emancipation,  impossible  under  the  Constitution, 
in  time  of  peace,  as  an  act  of  legislation,  might 
become  feasible,  under  the  war  power,  as  an  act 
of  military  necessity.  It  was  with  intense  inter- 
est, therefore,  that  they  watched  the  progress  of 
the  conflict,  during  the  first  year  of  its  history, 


8 

to  see  what  relation  it  would  bear  to  slavery; 
and  it  was  with  disappointment  and  sorrow  that 
they  saw,  on  the  part  of  the  civil  and  of  the 
military  authorities,  a  manifest  disposition  to 
evade  responsibility,  and  to  ignore  the  whole 
question  of  emancipation.  There  was,  for  some 
time,  an  unwillingness  even  to  receive  and  pro- 
tect the  fugitives  from  slavery,  fleeing  from  rebel 
masters,  who  came  within  our  lines ;  and  it 
required  the  legal  ingenuity  of  General  Benjamin 
F.  Butler,  to  improvise  an  addition  to  the  laws 
of  war,  and  to  apply  the  word  "  contraband "  to 
their  case,  before  a  common  sense  policy  could 
be  agreed  upon.  And  when  tens  of  thousands 
of  such  "  contrabands "  had  accumulated  on  our 
hands,  the  authorities  still  refused  to  arm,  drill 
and  use  them  as  soldiers!  As  to  a  proclamation 
of  general  emancipation,  political  conservatism 
hardly  knew  words  strong  enough  for  its  con- 
demnation. General  Fremont  had  indeed,  on 
August  31st,  1861,  declared  free  the  slaves  of 
rebel  slave-holders  in  the  State  of  Missouri ;  but 
this  was  at  once  overruled  by  President  Lincoln, 
as  exceeding  the  power  of  a  departmental  com- 
mander ;  as  later  he  overruled  the  similar  proc- 
lamation of  General  J.  W.  Phelps,  in  Louisiana, 
dated  December  4,  1861,  and  that  of  General 
David  Hunter,  at  Hilton  Head,  S.  C.,  dated 
May  9,  1862. 


9 

The  summer  of  1862  had  passed,  with  no 
indication,  after  seventeen  months  of  war,  that 
the  power  of  the  rebellion  was  likely  to  be 
broken.  Occasional  successes  led  to  small  per- 
manent gain,  and  were  always  succeeded  by  fail- 
ures and  reverses,  while  the  probability  of  a 
European  recognition  of  the  Confederate  Govern- 
ment became  daily  greater. 

In  these  circumstances,  the  writer  of  this  arti- 
cle, then  a  resident  of  the  city  of  Chicago,  111., 
determined  to  bring  to  bear  on  the  President  of 
the  United  States  a  heavy  pressure  from  the 
Christian  sentiment  of  his  own  state  of  Illinois. 
He  had  just  returned  from  a  visit  of  several 
weeks  at  the  East,  where  he  had  found  among 
the  religious  supporters  of  the  war  the  deepest 
anxiety  on  this  subject;  and  as  no  one  else 
seemed  to  move,  to  give  public  expression  to 
this  feeling,  he  essayed  the  task.  He  drew  up  a 
call  for  a  public  meeting  of  Christian  people  in 
Chicago,  to  adopt  a  memorial  to  President  Lin- 
coln in  favor  of  a  proclamation  of  emancipa- 
tion ;  and  Rev.  Joseph  Roy,  D.  D.,  agreed  to 
circulate  it  for  signature  among  a  limited  number 
of  prominent  Christian  citizens,  clergymen  and 
laymen.  It  received  the  signatures  of  leading 
laymen  of  the  various  denominations,  and  of  all 
the  Congregational,  and  nearly  all  the  Baptist 
and  Methodist  clergymen  of  the  city,  but,  because 


10 

of  prudential  considerations,  of  no  Presbyterian 
clergyman.  The  Presbyterian  clergymen  consid- 
ered the  matter  in  their  weekly  ministers'  meet- 
ing, and  voted  not  to  sign  the  call ;  such  was 
the  strength  of  conservatism  in  that  circle.  But 
many  of  their  influential  laymen  readily  affixed 
their  names.  While  the  call  was  circulating,  the 
writer  of  this  narrative,  at  the  request  of  those 
who  were  principally  interested,  prepared  a  form 
of  memorial  for  adoption.  This  was  considered 
in  a  preliminary  meeting,  and  by  a  subsequent 
committee,  which  slightly  abridged  it,  and  added 
for  presentation  to  the  final  meeting,  a  series  of 
resolutions,  drawn  up  by  Rev.  William  Everts, 
D.  D.,  of  the  Baptist  denomination.  Everything 
being  in  readiness,  an  immense  assembly  gath- 
ered in  Bryan  Hall,  the  largest  auditorium  in 
the  city,  on  the  evening  of  Sunday,  September 
7th,  1862,  multitudes  being  unable  to  gain  admis- 
sion. The  Memorial  was  read,  and  was  adopted 
by  an  enthusiastic,  unanimous,  rising  vote.  Ad- 
dresses were  made  by  Rev.  Drs.  Eddy  (Metho- 
dist) and  Everts  (Baptist),  and  by  Judges  Wilson, 
and  Otis,  and  other  laymen,  and  the  appended 
resolutions  were  also  unanimously  passed.  A 
committee  of  three  was  appointed  to  present  the 
Memorial  to  the  President,  consisting  of  the 
writer,  as  Chairman,  the  Rev.  John  Dempster, 
D.  D.,  and  Hon.  Charles  Walker.  The  latter 
was,  however,  unable  to  act.  The  two  other 


11 


members  of  the  delegation  reached  Washington, 
D.  C.,  on  Thursday  morning,  September  llth, 
1862,  but  were  unable  to  arrange  for  an  inter- 
view with  President  Lincoln  until  Saturday  fore- 
noon, the  13th  instant,  when  they  were  introduced 
by  Hon.  Gideon  Welles,  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
who  was  in  full  accord  with  their  object.  The 
President  received  them  in  a  calm,  but  affable 
manner,  and  motioned  them  to  seats  near  the 
end  of  his  writing  desk,  behind  which  was  the 
armchair  which  he  occupied  during  the  interview. 
The  chairman  of  the  delegation  read  aloud  the 
Memorial,  to  which  Mr.  Lincoln  gave  fixed  atten- 
tion, and  presented  also  a  memorial  of  similar 
import,  drawn  up  in  German  and  in  English, 
which  had  been  entrusted  to  them  by  some  of 
the  German  citizens  of  Chicago.  The  Memorial 
was  as  follows : 

MEMORIAL 

OF  THE 

PUBLIC    MEETING 

OF   THE 

CHRISTIAN  MEN  OF  CHICAGO. 


To  His  Excellency,  Abraham  Lincoln, 

President  of  the  United  States: 

Your  memorialists  of  all  Christian  denominations  in  the  city 
of  Chicago,  assembled  in  solemn  meeting  to  consider  the  moral 
aspects  of  the  war  now  waging,  would  utter  their  deepest  convic- 


12 


tions  as  to  the  present  relation  of  our  country  and  its  rulers  to 
the  government  and  providence  of  Almighty  God ;  and  would 
respectfully  ask  a  hearing  for  the  principles  and  facts  deemed 
fundamental  to  a  right  judgment  of  this  appalling  crisis.  And 
to  this  we  are  encouraged  by  the  frequency  with  which,  on  various 
public  occasions,  you  have  officially  recognized  the  dependence  of 
the  country  and  its  chief  magistrate  upon  the  Divine  favor. 

We  claim,  then,  that  the  war  is  a  Divine  retribution  upon  our 
land  for  its  manifold  sins,  and  especially  for  the  crime  of  oppres- 
sion, against  which  the  denunciations  of  God's  Word  are  so 
numerous  and  pointed. 

The  American  nation,  in  this  its  judgment-hour,  must  acknowl- 
edge that  the  cry  of  the  slave,  unheeded  by  man,  has  been  heard 
by  God  and  answered  in  this  terrible  visitation.  The  time  has  at 
length  come  of  which  Jefferson  solemnly  warned  his  countrymen, 
as  he  declared  that  the  slaves  of  America  were  enduring  "  a  bond- 
age, one  hour  of  which  is  fraught  with  more  misery  than  ages  of 
that  which  occasioned  the  war  of  the  Revolution,"  and  added, 
"  When  the  measure  of  their  tears  shall  be  full,  when  their  tears 
shall  have  involved  heaven  itself  in  darkness,  doubtless  a  God  of 
justice  will  awaken  to  their  distress,  by  diffusing  a  light  and 
liberality  among  their  oppressors,  or  at  length  by  his  extermi- 
nating thunder,  manifest  his  attention  to  things  of  this  world,  and 
that  they  are  not  left  to  blind  fatality." 

The  slave  oligarchy  has  organized  the  most  unnatural,  perfidious, 
and  formidable  rebellion  known  to  history.  It  has  professedly 
established  an  independent  government  on  the  avowed  basis  of 
slavery,  admitting  that  the  Federal  Union  was  constituted  to 
conserve  and  promote  liberty.  All  but  /four  of  the  slave  states 
have  seceded  from  the  Union,  and  those  four  (with  the  exception 
of  Delaware,  in  which  slavery  but  nominally  exists)  have  been 
kept  in  subjection  only  by  overwhelming  military  force.  Can  we 
doubt  that  this  is  a  Divine  retribution  for  national  sin,  in  which 
our  crime  has  justly  shaped  our  punishment? 


13 

Proceeding  upon  this  belief,  which  recent  events  have  made  it 
almost  atheism  to  deny,  your  memorialists  avow  their  solemn 
conviction,  deepening  every  hour,  that  there  can  be  no  deliver- 
ance from  Divine  judgments  till  slavery  ceases  in  the  land.  We 
cannot  expect  God  to  save  a  nation  that  clings  to  its  sin.  This 
is  too  fearful  an  hour  to  insult  God,  or  to  deceive  ourselves. 
National  existence  is  in  peril :  our  sons  and  brothers  are  falling 
by  tens  of  thousands  on  the  battle-field :  the  war  becomes  daily 
more  determined  and  destructive.  While  we  speak,  the  enemy 
thunders  at  the  gates  of  the  capital.  Our  acknowledged  superi- 
ority of  resources  has  thus  far  availed  little  or  nothing  in  the 
conflict.  As  Christian  patriots  we  dare  not  conceal  the  truth, 
that  these  judgments  mean  what  the  divine  judgments  meant  in 
Egypt.  They  are  God's  stern  command — "LET  MY  PEOPLE  GO ! " 

This  work  of  national  repentance  has  been  inaugurated  by  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  its  prohibi- 
tion in  the  territories,  as  also  by  encouragement  to  emancipation 
in  the  border  slave  states,  offered  by  Congress  at  the  suggestion 
of  the  President. 

But  these  measures  do  not  meet  the  crisis  as  regards  either  the 
danger  of  the  country  or  the  national  guilt.  We  urge  you,  there- 
fore, as  the  head  of  this  Christian  nation,  from  considerations  of 
moral  principle,  and,  as  the  only  means  of  preserving  the  Union, 
to  proclaim,  without  delay,  NATIONAL  EMANCIPATION. 

However  void  of  authority  in  this  respect  you  might  have  been 
in  time  of  peace,  you  are  well  aware,  as  a  statesman,  that  the 
exigencies  of  war  are  the  only  limits  of  its  powers,  especially  in  a 
war  to  preserve  the  very  life  of  the  nation.  And  these  exigencies 
are  not  to  be  restricted  to  what  may  avail  at  the  last  gasp  prior 
to  national  death,  but  are  to  be  interpreted  to  include  all  measures 
that  may  most  readily  and  thoroughly  subdue  the  enemy.  The 
rebels  have  brought  slavery  under  your  control  by  their  desperate 
attack  upon  the  life  of  the  republic.  They  have  created  a  moral, 
political,  and  military  necessity,  which  warrants  the  deed,  and  now 

3 


14 


God  and  a  waiting  world  demand  that  the  opportunity  be  used. 
And  surely  the  fact  that  they  have  placed  in  our  power  a  system 
which,  while  it  exposes  them,  is  itself  the  grossest  wickedness,  adds 
infinitely  to  the  obligation  to  strike  the  blow. 

In  this  view  of  a  change  of  power  involving  an  equal  change  in 
duty,  we  will  not  conceal  the  fact  that  gloom  has  filled  our  hearts 
at  every  indication  that  the  war  was  regarded  as  simply  an  issue 
between  the  federal  authorities  and  the  rebel  states ; .  and  that 
therefore  slavery  was  to  be  touched  only  to  the  extent  that  the 
pressure  of  rebel  success  might  absolutely  necessitate.  Have  we 
not  reason  to  expect  rebel  success  on  that  policy?  Are  we  to 
omit  from  our  calculations  the  necessary  conditions  of  Divine 
favor?  Has  the  fact  no  moral  force,  that  the  war  has  suddenly 
placed  within  the  power  of  the  President,  the  system  that  has 
provoked  God's  wrath  ?  Is  there  not  danger  that  while  we  are 
waiting  till  the  last  terrible  exigency  shall  force  us  to  liberate  the 
slave,  God  may  decide  the  contest  against  us,  and  the  measure 
that  we  should  adopt  on  principle,  prove  too  late  for  our  salva- 
tion ?  We  claim  that  justice,  here  as  everywhere,  is  the  highest 
expediency. 

At  the  time  of  the  national  peril  of  the  Jews,  under  Ahasuerus, 
Mordecai  spoke  in  their  name  to  Queen  Esther,  who  hesitated  to 
take  the  step  necessary  to  their  preservation,  in  these  solemn 
words :  "  Think  not  with  thyself  that  thou  shalt  escape  in  the 
king's  house,  more  than  all  the  Jews.  For  if  thou  altogether 
boldest  thy  peace  at  this  time,  then  shall  there  enlargement  and 
deliverance  arise  to  the  Jews  from  another  place;  but  thou  and 
thy  father's  house  shall  be  destroyed ;  and  who  knoweth  whether 
thou  art  come  to  the  kingdom  for  such  a  time  as  this  ?  "  And 
your  memorialists  believe  that  in  Divine  Providence  you  have 
been  called  to  the  Presidency  to  speak  the  word  of  justice  and 
authority  which  shall  free  the  bondman  and  save  the  nation. 
Our  prayer  to  God  is,  that  by  such  an  act  the  name  of  ABRAHAM 
LINCOLN  may  go  down  to  posterity  with  that  of  GEORGE  WASH- 
INGTON, as  the  second  SAVIOR  OF  OUR  COUNTRY. 


15 


RESOLUTIONS. 

Resolved,  That  universal  emancipation  seems  pointed  out  by 
Providence  as  the  most  effectual,  if  not  the  only  means  of  saving 
our  country. 

That  in  the  appalling  loss  of  blood  and  treasure,  and  repeated 
reverses  to  our  arms,  pressing  the  nation  to  the  verge  of  destruc- 
tion should  be  heard  the  voice  that  sounded  above  the  wail  of 
desolated  Egypt — "  Let  my  people  go." 

That  universal  emancipation  as  a  mere  act  of  political  justice 
would  be'  without  a  parallel  in  the  annals  of  the  world. 

That  it  would  be  the  abandonment  of  a  wrong  long  perpetuated 
against  the  oppressed  race,  to  the  contravention  of  impartial 
liberty,  the  reproach  of  free  institutions,  and  the  dishonor  of  our 
country. 

That  it  would  be  a  consummation  of  the  expectations  of  the 
founders  of  the  republic,  who,  deploring  while  tolerating  slavery  ? 
anticipated  its  early  disappearance  from  the  continent. 

That  it  would  accord  with  the  world's  convictions  of  justice, 
and  the  higher  teachings  of  Christianity. 

That  we  should  not  expect  national  deliverance  till  we  rise  at 
least  to  the  moral  judgment  of  Jefferson  who,  in  view  of  slavery, 
exclaimed :  "I  tremble  for  my  country  when  I  reflect  that  God  is 
just;  that  his  justice  cannot  sleep  forever ;  that  considering  num- 
bers, nature,  and  natural  means  only,  a  revolution  of  the  wheel  of 
fortune,  an  exchange  of  situation,  is  among  possible  events,  that 
it  may  become  probable  by  supernatural  interference!  The 
Almighty  has  no  attribute  which  can  take  side  with  us  in  such  a 
contest." 

That  all  assumed  right  to  slavery  under  the  Constitution  is 
forfeited  by  open  and  persistent  rebellion  ;  and  therefore,  emanci- 
pation, to  preserve  the  republic,  would  only  vindicate  the  honor 
of  the  Constitution. 


16 


That  as  slavery  is  a  principal  reliance  of  the  rebellion,  conserv- 
ing its  property,  tilling  its  plantations,  feeding  and  clothing  its 
armies,  freeing  the  slaves  would  take  away  its  support,  recall 
its  armies  from  the  field,  demoralize  its  conspiracy,  and  organize 
in  its  midst  a  power  for  its  overthrow. 

That  putting  down  this  rebellion  is  as  obvious  a  Christian  duty 
as  prayer,  preaching,  charity  to  the  poor,  or  missions  to  the 
heathen. 

That  the  postponement  of  emancipation  jeopards  countless 
treasure,  the  best  blood  and  the  existence  of  the  nation. 

That  no  evils  apprehended  from  emancipation  are  comparable 
to  those  that  would  arise  from  the  overthrow  of  the  republic,  and 
they  would  fall  upon  those  madly  provoking  the  catastrophe. 

That  as  the  perpetuation  and  extension  of  slavery  was  a 
primary  aim  of  this  rebellion,  its  overthrow  would  seem  a  fitting 
and  signal  retribution  upon  its  authors — like  hanging  Hainan 
upon  the  gallows  he  erected  for  Mordecai. 

That  it  were  better  for  this  generation  to  perish  than  that  the 
American  Union  should  be  dissolved :  and  it  is  a  delusion  that 
those  disloyal  and  belligerent  under  the  Constitution  and  tradi- 
tions of  their  fathers,  would  become  peaceable  citizens,  observant 
of  treaties  and  oaths  in  rival  states. 

(Signed)  L.  B.  OTIS,  Chairman. 

E.  W.  BLATCHFORD,  Secretary. 

After  reading  the  Memorial,  the  Chairman 
added  a  few  words,  to  express  the  deep  interest 
which  had  been  felt  in  the  President  by  Chris- 
tian people  from  the  day  of  his  election  to  that 
hour,  as  manifested  in  their  continual  prayer  in 
his  behalf;  and  to  explain  the  pressure  of  con- 
viction and  feeling  which  had  led  to  the  prepa- 


17 

ration  and  presentation  of  this  document.  He 
disclaimed  all  purpose  in  the  delegation,  or  in 
those  whom  they  represented,  to  dictate  to  the 
chief  magistrate,  who  had  his  own  responsibility 
to  God,  to  the  nation,  and  to  the  world:  they 
wished  to  aid  and  encourage  him,  rather,  in  the 
performance  of  his  difficult  duties.  He  alluded 
to  the  rebel  invasion  of  Maryland  and  the 
approaching  battle  (fought  a  few  days  after,  at 
Antietam)  and  said,  that  the  time  of  presenting 
the  Memorial  might  seem  inauspicious,  in  view  of 
recent  disasters,  which  had  brought  the  national 
authority  within  narrower  limits  in  the  slave 
States.  But  it  was  difficult,  for  those  who 
believed  in  a  just  Providence,  to  avoid  the  fear, 
that  our  reverses  might  be  made  needful  by 
neglect  to  learn  the  moral  lessons  of  the  war, 
and  to  manifest  a  due  repentance  for  the  national 
sin  of  oppression.  The  President  must  see  that, 
if  military  success  was  thought  to  render  eman- 
cipation unnecessary,  and  defeat  to  make  it  un- 
availing, duty  would  become  an  idle  word,  and 
God's  providence  unmeaning. 

After  a  moment's  silence,  the  President  made 
grave  and  careful  answer,  which  is  given  accu- 
rately, and  often  in  his  exact  words,  as  they  fell 
upon  ears  eagerly  attent,  and  were  soon  after 
reduced  to  writing.  He  spoke  quite  deliberately, 
with  well  chosen  language,  in  an  earnest  and 


18 


solemn  manner,  as  one  impressed  with  the  weight 
of  the  theme,  yet  often  uttering  a  characteristi- 
cally shrewd  remark,  and  letting  fall  a  half- 
humorous  observation.  The  conversation  ran 
thus : 

MR.  LINCOLN. — "The  subject  presented  in  the 
Memorial  is  not  a  new  one.  It  has  been  upon 
my  mind  for  many  weeks,  I  may  even  say,  for 
many  months.  But  those  who  offer  me  sugges- 
tions do  not  agree  among  themselves ;  not  even 
the  religious  men.  I  am  approached  with  the 
most  opposite  opinions  and  advice,  by  those  who 
seem  equally  certain  that  they  represent  the 
divine  will.  One  or  the  other  class  must  be 
mistaken  in  that  belief,  and  perhaps,  in  some 
respects,  they  both  are  mistaken." 

THE  DELEGATION. — "  We  admit,  with  sadness, 
the  difference  of  view  at  the  North,  on  this 
subject,  as  on  many  others  connected  with  the 
war.  It  is  owing  to  a  difference  of  education 
and  past  associations,  of  conservative  or  radical 
temperament  and  ideas,  and  of  the  study  of 
different  parts  of  the  complicated  problem  before 
us.  And  yet  there  is  a  right  view  of  the  subject. 
The  truth  is  somewhere,  and  it  is  duty  to  ascer- 
tain it.  The  Memorial  does  not  merely  offset 
the  bare  opinion  of  those  who  adopted  it  against 
the  opinion  of  others.  It  presents  tangible  facts 
in  the  history  of  the  nation  and  of  the  war,  and 


19 


intelligent  arguments  in  favor  of  the  course  which 
it  proposes.  It  starts  with  the  idea,  plainly  taught 
by  the  world's  history  as  well  as  by  the  Bible, 
that  God  governs  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and 
that  he  hates  and  punishes  oppression.  In  this 
respect  our  country  has  been  exceedingly  guilty, 
the  North  and  the  South  being  both  involved, 
and  the  retribution  has  consequently  come  in 
a  civil  war,  and  in  a  slave-holders'  rebellion. 
Secession  and  slave-holding  are  twins.  Where 
the  virus  of  slavery  is,  there  and  there  only  is 
the  virus  of  rebellion.  If  this  be  so,  and  if  the 
war  has  brought  slavery  within  our  power,  then 
we  can  hardly  believe  that  God  will  send  us 
deliverance  except  in  connection  with  emancipa- 
tion. We  appeal  to  our  President's  faith  in 
Providence." 

MR.  LINCOLN. — "  I  believe  in  a  divine  Provi- 
dence. Unless  I  am  deceived  in  myself  more 
than  I  often  am,  I  wish  to  know  God's  will  in 
this  matter ;  and  if  I  can  learn  it,  I  will  do  it. 
But  I  hope  it  will  not  be  irreverent  in  me  to 
say,  that  if  it  is  probable  that  God  would  reveal 
to  others  his  will  concerning  my  duty,  it  is  quite 
as  probable  that  he  would  reveal  it  directly  to 
me.  These  are  not,  however,  the  days  of  mira- 
cles, and  I  suppose  it  will  be  granted,  that  I 
am  not  to  expect  a  direct  revelation.  I  must 
study  the  plain  facts  of  the  case,  ascertain  what 


20 

is  possible,  and  decide  what  appears  to  be  wise 
and  right." 

THE  DELEGATION. — "  We  agree  in  the  view 
which  you  present,  in  the  main;  but  would  make 
one  or  two  qualifying  suggestions.  It  is  true, 
that  the  problem  involves  very  directly  the  duty 
of  the  President,  yet  only  as  he  officially  repre- 
sents the  interests  of  the  people  and  the  defence 
of  the  national  Union.  Hence  all  are  compelled 
to  study  the  question,  and  to  reach  a  conclusion 
as  to  what  needs  to  be  done,  and  we  cannot  well 
avoid  expressing  our  solemn  judgment.  More- 
over, since  Grod,  as  you  have  well  said,  is  not 
likely  to  make  any  miraculous  revelation  to  you 
of  your  duty,  He  may  be  supposed  to  use  human 
agency,  and  to  bring  before  you  the  suggestions 
and  arguments  of  other  minds.  Perhaps  even 
such  humble  instrumentalities  as  ourselves,  rep- 
resenting as  we  do  the  Christian  sentiment  of 
our  section,  and  largely  of  other  sections  also, 
may  be  providentially  put  to  use,  to  make  the 
way  of  duty  more  plain  than  it  might  otherwise 
be." 

MR.  LINCOLN.—" Yes,  that  may  be;  but  the 
fact  still  remains,  that  the  subject  is  difficult, 
and  good  men  do  not  agree  upon  it.  Why,  it 
was  only  the  other  day,  that  four  gentlemen  of 
standing  and  intelligence,  from  New  York,  called 
as  a  delegation  on  business  connected  with  the 


21 

war.  After  this  had  been  attended  to,  two  of 
them  earnestly  beset  me  to  proclaim  a  general 
emancipation;  upon  which  the  other  two  at  once 
attacked  them,  and  argued  in  opposition  to  the 
idea.  You  know,  also,  that  at  the  last  session  of 
Congress,  there  was  a  decided  majority  of  anti- 
slavery  men,  and  yet  they  could  not  unite  on 
this  policy.  Nor  are  the  religious  people  of  one 
mind  about  it.  It  is  very  curious  about  the 
religious  ideas  of  the  war.  They  are  not  confined 
to  our  side.  Why,  the  rebel  soldiers  are  praying 
with  a  great  deal  more  earnestness,  I  fear,  than 
are  our  own  troops,  and  are  expecting  God  to 
favor  their  side.  One  of  our  soldiers,  who  had 
been  taken  prisoner,  told  Senator  Wilson,  a  few 
days  since,  that  he  met  with  nothing  so  discour- 
aging as  the  evident  sincerity  of  those  he  was 
among,  in  their  prayers." 

THE  DELEGATION. — "Quite  likely.  History  has 
always  been  witnessing  the  differing  judgments, 
and  hence  the  differing  prayers,  of  good  men. 
It  was  so  in  the  war  of  our  Revolution,  and  in 
the  religious  wars  of  Europe.  Nevertheless  there 
was  a  right  side,  in  each  case.  And  we  must 
pray,  and  must  act,  according  to  our  own  con- 
victions of  righteousness." 

MR.  LINCOLN. — "  Of  course.     Let  us  then  talk 
over  the  merits  of  the  case.     W"hat  good  would 
a.   proclamation    of    emancipation    from    me    do ; 
4 


22 

especially  as  we  are  now  situated,  with  the 
enemy  at  our  very  doors?  I  do  not  want  to 
issue  a  document  that  the  whole  world  will  see 
must  necessarily  be  inoperative,  like  the  Pope's 
bull  against  the  comet!  How  would  my  mere 
word  free  the  slaves,  when  I  cannot  even  enforce 
the  Constitution,  in  the  rebel  states?  Is  there  a 
single  court,  or  magistrate,  or  individual  there, 
that  would  be  influenced  by  it?  And  what 
reason  is  there,  to  think  that  it  would  have  any 
greater  effect  even  upon  the  slaves,  than  the  late 
law  of  Congress,  which  I  approved,  and  which 
offers  protection  and  freedom  to  the  slaves  of 
rebel  masters  who  come  within  our  lines?  And 
yet  I  cannot  learn  that,  of  the  thousands  of 
fugitives  who  have  come  to  us,  a  single  one  was 
influenced  by  that  law." 

THE  DELEGATION. — "We  are  glad  to  discuss 
the  difficulties  of  the  case ;  for  discussion  here 
and  elsewhere  will  bring  a  more  united  judg- 
ment, and  it  is  quite  likely  that,  though  Con- 
gress could  not  agree,  at  the  last  session,  they 
may  have,  in  view  of  the  subsequent  events, 
more  unanimity  when  they  next  assemble.  The 
members  have  met  their  constituents  and  learned 
of  many  marvelous  conversions  to  the  policy  of 
emancipation ;  especially  since  the  late  reverses 
have  awakened  thought  as  to  the  extreme  peril 
.of  the  nation,  and  have  made  bad  men  as  well 


as  good  men  realize,  that  in  this  matter  we  have 
to  deal  with  God.  Men  of  the  most  opposite 
views,  previously,  are  now  uniting  in  calling  for 
this  measure.  It  is  true,  Mr.  President,  that 
you  cannot,  at  this  moment,  enforce  either  the 
Constitution,  or  a  decree  of  emancipation,  in  the 
South ;  but  we  see  no  reason  in  that  for  not 
proclaiming  emancipation.  They  do  not  appeal 
to  the  same  classes,  at  home  ^or  abroad,  and  the 
latter  is  needful  to  the  enforcement  of  the  former, 
by  making  the  slaves,  the  North,  and  the  onlook- 
ing  world  see,  that  a  war  for  the  Union  means 
liberty  and  not  merely  power.  The  two  can  be 
made  operative  together,  as  fast  as  the  national 
armies  advance,  fighting  their  way  Southward ; 
and  we  have  yet  to  hear  that  you  propose  to 
abandon  the  Constitution,  because  of  the  present 
difficulty  of  enforcing  it.  The  slaves  will  gradu- 
ally hear  of  such  a  proclamation,  from  those 
near  the  borders  and  from  the  conversation  of 
the  whites,  and  it  will  fill  them  with  hope, 
increase  the  earnestness  of  their  prayers  in  our 
behalf,  and  give  them  encouragement  to  escape 
to  us  when  they  can." 

MR.  LINCOLN. — "  But  should  they  come  "in  any 
great  numbers,  what  could  we  do  with  them  ? 
How  can  we  feed  and  care  for  such  a  multitude  ? 
General  Butler,  who  is  in  New  Orleans,  wrote  to 
me,  a  few  days  since,  that  he  was  issuing  more 


24 

rations  to  the  slaves  who  have  rushed  to  him, 
than  to  all  the  troops  under  his  command.  They 
eat,  and  that  is  all !  True,  General  Butler  is 
feeding  the  whites,  also,  by  the  thousand ;  for  it 
nearly  amounts  to  a  famine  there.  If  now  the 
pressure  of  the  war  should  call  off  our  forces 
from  New  Orleans,  to  defend  some  other  point, 
what  is  to  prevent  the  masters  from  reducing 
the  blacks  to  slavery  again  ?  For  I  am  told, 
that  whenever  the  rebels  take  any  black  prisoners, 
they  immediately  auction  them  off.  They  did  so 
with  those  they  took  from  a  boat,  that  was  aground 
in  the  Tennessee  River,  a  few  days  ago.  And  then 
I  am  very  ungenerously  attacked  for  such  occur- 
rences! For  instance,  after  the  late  battles,  at 
and  near  Bull  Run,  when  an  expedition  went  out 
from  Washington,  under  a  flag  of  truce,  to  bury 
the  dead  and  bring  in  the  wounded,  and  the  rebels 
seized  the  blacks  who  went  along  to  help,  and 
sent  them  into  slavery,  Horace  Greeley  said  in 
his  paper,  that  the  Government  would  probably 
do  nothing  about  it.  What  could  I  do? 

THE  DELEGATION. — "Allow  us  to  suggest,  that 
whatever  the  Government  could  do,  in  the  case  of 
whites,  when  a  flag  of  truce  is  violated,  could  and 
should  be  done,  in  the  case  of  blacks  ;  for  a  flag  of 
truce  covers  equally  all  over  whom  it  waves.  As 
for  the  difficulty  experienced  by  General  Butler, 
it  arises  from  the  evil  which  always  accompanies 


25 

timid,  half-way  measures.  These  give  you  the 
full  trouble  of  thoroughgoing  measures,  without 
the  corresponding  benefit.  It  is  folly  merely  to 
receive  and  feed  the  slaves.  Paul's  sound  doctrine 
was,  that  those  who  eat  must  work.  The  slaves 
must  be  received  and  welcomed,  must  be  freed  and 
fed ;  but  they  must  be  required  to  work,  and  they 
must  also  be  enlisted  and  drilled,  to  fight  for  their 
own  liberty  and  for  the  Union  which  is  to  protect 
it.  The  neglect  and  timidity  on  this  latter  point 
has  been  disastrous.  Take  the  opposite  policy, 
and  the  blacks  will  be  no  encumbrance,  and  their 
rations  no  waste.  We  should  follow  the  ancient 
maxim,  and  learn  from  the  enemy.  What  the 
rebels  most  fear,  we  should  be  most  prompt  to 
do ;  and  what  they  most  fear  is  evident  from  the 
hot  haste  with  which,  on  the  very  first  day  of 
the  present  session  of  the  Rebel  Congress,  bills 
were  introduced  threatening  terrible  vengeance,  if 
we  used  the  blacks  in  the  war." 

MR.  LINCOLN.  —  "Well,  proceed  and  tell  me 
further,  what  possible  result  of  good  would  follow 
the  issuing  of  such  a  proclamation  as  you  desire. 
Understand ;  I  raise  no  objections  against  it  on 
legal  or  constitutional  grounds ;  for,  as  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy,  in  time 
of  war,  I  suppose  I  have  a  right  to  take  any 
measure  which  may  best  subdue  the  enemy. 
Nor  do  I  urge  objections  of  a  moral  nature,  in 


26 

view  of  possible  consequences  of  insurrection  and 
massacre  at  the  South.  I  view  the  matter  as 
a  practical  war  measure,  to  be  decided  upon 
according  to  the  advantages  or  disadvantages  it 
may  offer  to  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion." 

THE  DELEGATION. — "As  regards  the  slaves,  we 
should  not  expect  any  immediate  or  general  effect. 
The  news  will  gradually  spread,  and  as  our  armies 
advance,  it  will  cause  an  influx  of  blacks  to  us, 
which  will  deprive  the  rebels  of  numerous  labor- 
ers, whom  they  are  continually  putting  to  valuable 
use,  and  will  give  us  both  laborers  and  soldiers ; 
for  we  cannot  believe  that  the  present  policy  of 
not  enlisting  black  troops  will  long  be  continued. 
As  regards  the  North,  we  think  it  would  deepen 
the  convictions  and  increase  the  zeal  of  the  loyal 
citizens,  who  now  are  tempted,  at  times,  to  despair 
of  success,  when  they  see  such  an  apparent  unwill- 
ingness to  strike  at  the  root  of  the  evil.  It  would 
give  them  a  double  principle  for  which  to  fight 
and  to  suffer  loss,  in  all  needful  ways ;  to  wit, 
national  union  and  universal  liberty.  It  would, 
above  all,  assure  them,  that  the  work  of  putting 
down  the  rebellion  was  to  be  so  thoroughly  done, 
as  to  leave  our  country  forever  free  from  disgrace 
and  danger  in  this  quarter.  Slavery  and  secession 
are  one  and  the  same  thing,  practically.  Not 
the  least  of  the  benefits  to  be  secured,  however, 
would  come  from  its  effect  abroad.  «We  all  trem- 


27 

ble,  lest  England  and  France  shall  find  a  sufficient 
excuse  for  recognizing  the  Southern  Confederacy. 
The  upper  classes  in  those  countries  are  known 
to  favor  such  a  course.  We  must  omit  nothing 
which  can  deprive  them  of  argument  and  oppor- 
tunity. At  present,  the  sympathizers  with  seces- 
sion in  Great  Britain  (which  country  heretofore  has 
professed  great  anti-slavery  zeal),  allege  that  this 
bloody  war  is  on  our  part  for  national  ambition, 
pride  of  territory,  coveted  power  of  the  Great 
Republic,  and  not.  at  all  for  liberty.  It  has  no 
claim,  therefore,  upon  the  sympathy  of  philan- 
thropists in  Europe.  We  are  thus  weak,  where 
we  ought  to  be  and  need  to  be  strong.  Proclaim 
emancipation,  and  a  tide  of  sympathy  for  us  will 
set  in,  which  no  European  power  would  dare  to 
resist." 

MR.  LINCOLN. — "  There  is  force  in  some  of  your 
points.  I  admit  that  slavery  is  the  root  of  the 
rebellion,  or  was,  at  least,  its  sine  qua  non.  The 
ambition-  of  politicians  may  have  instigated  them 
to  act ;  but  they  would  have  been  impotent 
without  slavery  as  their  instrument.  I  will  also 
concede,  that  emancipation  would  help  us  in 
Europe,  and  convince  them  that  we  are  incited 
by  something  more  than  ambition.  I  grant 
further,  that  it  would  help  somewhat  at  the 
North ;  though  not  so  much,  I  fear,  as  you  and 
those  you  represent  imagine.  Still,  some  addi- 


28 

tional  strength  would  be  added,  in  that  way,  to 
the  war.  And  then,  unquestionably,  it  would 
weaken  the  rebels,  by  drawing  off  their  laborers, 
which  is  of  great  importance.  But  I  am  not  so 
sure,  that  we  could  do  much  with  the  blacks. 
If  we  were  to  arm  them,  as  soldiers,  I  fear  that, 
in  a  few  weeks,  the  arms  would  be  in  the  hands 
of  the  rebels !  And,  indeed,  thus  far  we  have  not 
had  arms  enough  to  equip  our  white  troops.  I 
will  mention  another  thing,  though  it  may  meet 
only  your  scorn  and  contempt.  There  are  fifty 
thousand  bayonets  in  the  Union  armies  from  the 
Border  slave  States.  It  would  be  a  serious  matter, 
if,  in  consequence  of  a  proclamation  such  as  you 
desire,  they  should  go  over  to  the  rebels.  I  do 
not  think  that  they  all  would ;  not  so  many, 
indeed,  as  a  year  ago ;  not  so  many  as  six  months 
ago ;  not  so  many  to-day  as  yesterday.  Every 
day  increases  their  Union  feeling.  They  are  also 
getting  their  pride  enlisted,  and  they  want  to 
beat  the  rebels.  Let  me  say  one  thing  more : 
you  must  admit,  that  we  already  have  an  impor- 
tant principle,  with  which  to  rally  and  unite  the 
people,  in  the  fact  that  constitutional  government 
is  at  stake.  Here  is  a  rebellion  against  the 
orderly  result  of  a  regular  election  according  to 
law,  in  which  they  themselves  took  part.  Fail- 
ing to  elect  their  candidate,  they  rebel !  This  is 
the  destruction  of  constitutional  government.  We 


are  fighting  for  a  liberty  of  law  against  faction 
.and  anarchy.  This  is  a  fundamental  idea,  and 
goes  down  about  as  deep  as  anything ! " 

THE  DELEGATION. — "As  to  the  blacks,  we  have 
only  to  say,  that  good  sense  must  be  used  in 
arming  and  drilling  them  as  well  as  white 
troops ;  that  discipline,  in  this  as  in  other  cases, 
could  work  wonders  with  the  raw  material,  in  the 
course  of  time,  so  that  it  would  be  well  to  begin 
in  season ;  and  that,  if  there  be  a  scarcity  of 
arms,  it  might  be  wise  to  place  a  part  of  the 
supply  in  the  hands  of  those  nearest  to  the  seat 
of  the  rebellion,  having  most  at  stake,  and  able 
to  strike  the  heaviest  blow.  We  have  little  fear 
of  the  desertion  of  the  Border  State  troops.  The 
danger  is  much  diminished,  as  you  have  just 
admitted,  and  anything  lost  in  that  quarter 
would  be  regained  twofold  at  the  North.  But, 
at  all  events,  the  struggle  has  now  gone  too  far 
to  be  settled  by  partial  measures.  This  country 
must  be  all  slave  or  all  free  territory.  Let  the 
line  be  drawn,  at  the  same  time,  between  loyalty 
and  treason,  and  between  freedom  and  slavery. 
The  sooner  we  know  who  are  our  enemies,  the 
better.  But  the  people  of  the  Border  States,  as  a 
whole,  are  neither  traitors  nor  fools.  Wholesale 
desertion,  on  their  part,  would  make  their  States 
the  seat  of  war,  a  vast  battlefield,  a  scene  of  blood 
and  desolation.  Perhaps  our  hopefulness  arises 
5 


30 

from  our  being  fresh  from  the  people,  warm  with 
their  aspirations,  and  having  personal  knowledge 
of  the  self-denials  and  prayers  of  the  Christian 
patriots.  We  do  not  undervalue  the  principle  of 
constitutional  government,  which  is  at  stake.  It 
is  indeed  a  grand  idea  for  which  to  contend, 
even  at  this  expense  of  treasure  and  blood.  But, 
Mr.  President,  the  people  know,  and  you  have 
admitted,  that  nothing  else  has  put  constitutional 
government  in  danger,  in  this  land,  but  slavery ; 
that  the  toleration  of  that  aristocratic  and  despotic 
element  among  our  free  institutions  has  been  the 
inconsistency  that  has  nearly  wrought  our  ruin, 
and  caused  free  government  to  appear  a  failure 
before  the  world.  Therefore,  to  preserve  and 
perpetuate  constitutional  government,  the  people 
demand  emancipation.  Let  us  fight  the  battle 
once  for  all !  Our  idea  will  thus  be  found  to 
go  deeper  than  yours,  and  to  be  armed  with 
corresponding  power." 

MR.  LINCOLN  (suddenly). — "Yes;  that  is  the 
true  ground  of  our  difficulties." 

THE  DELEGATION. — "Oh,  Mr.  President,  we 
are  very  earnest  in  this  matter.  A  proclamation 
of  emancipation,  giving  '  Union  and  Liberty '  as 
the  national  watchword,  would  be  a  new  inspira- 
tion for  the  war,  appealing  to  conscience,  senti- 
ment and  hope.  You  must  not  judge  from  the 
depression  seen  under  recent  disasters.  If  the 


31 

Leader  will  but  utter  a  trumpet  call,  the  nation 
will  respond  with  patriotic  ardor.  No  one  can 
tell  the  power  of  the  right  word  from  the  right 
man,  to  develop  the  latent  fire  and  enthusiasm 
of  the  masses." 

MR.  LINCOLN  (with  earnestness). — "  I  know  it!" 
During  the  interview,  thus  far,  the  -President 
sat  in  a  roomy  armchair,  and  at  first  in  a 
straight  and  dignified  posture,  as  one  officially 
receiving  a  delegation.  But  as  the  conversation 
proceeded,  he  forgot  all  about  himself,  became 
deeply  interested  in  the  discussion,  and  evidently 
warmed  up  towards  us  personally,  as  if  we  were 
true  friends.  Gradually  he  unbent  in  his  man- 
ners, and,  feeling  perfectly  at  ease,  began  to  be 
humorous  or  pathetic,  as  the  mood  took  him. 
He  turned  his  face  more  and  more  towards  us, 
until,  as  he  grew  quite  earnest  and  yet  informal, 
he  carelessly  threw  one  leg  over  the  left  arm  of 
the  huge  chair,  and  soon  after  the  other,  gesticu- 
lating freely,  and  looking  us  intently  in  the  face. 
It  was  amusing  to  see,  and  would  have  shocked 
European  ideas  of  official  propriety ;  but  to  us 
it  only  indicated  the  simplicity,  frankness  and 
sturdy  honesty  of  his  nature,  and  the  unreserve 
with  which  he  dealt  with  those  who  had  his 
confidence.  The  close  of  the  interview  was  as 
follows : 

THE    DELEGATION. — "We    must   not   trespass 


32 

longer  on  your  patience  or  your  valuable  time. 
Many  others  are  waiting  to  see  you,  and  we 
thank  you  for  according  us  this  personal  inter- 
view. Pardon  us,  if,  in  the  warmth  of  discussion, 
anything  has  dropped  from  our  lips  that  seemed 
wanting  in  due  respect  for  our  honored  chief 
magistrate.  We  have  only  aimed  to  be  true  to 
our  convictions  and  faithful  to  our  mission,  and 
we  take  our  leave,  commending  you  to  the 
gracious  guidance  of  the  All- Wise  God." 

MR.  LINCOLN  (rising  and  cordially  extending 
his  hand,  in  a  parting  salute).  —  "I  have  been 
much  gratified  with  this  interview.  You  have 
done  your  duty;  I  will  try  to  do  mine.  In 
addition  to  what  I  have  already  said,  there  is  a 
question  of  expediency  as  to  time,  should  such  a 
proclamation  be  issued.  Matters  look  dark  just 
now.  I  fear  that  a  proclamation,  on  the  heels  of 
defeat,  would  be  interpreted  as  a  cry  of  despair. 
It  would  come  better,  if  at  all,  immediately  after 
a  victory.  I  wish  I  could  say  something  to  you 
more  entirely  satisfactory;  yet  do  not  misunder- 
stand me,  because  I  have  mentioned  these  various 
objections.  They  indicate  the  difficulties,  which, 
thus  far  have  prevented  my  -action  in  some  such 
way  as  you  desire.  I  have  not  decided  against 
a  proclamation  of  liberty  to  the  slaves,  but  hold 
the  matter  under  advisement;  and  I  can  assure 
you,  that  the  subject  is  on  my  mind,  by  day  and 


33 

night,  more  than  any  other.  Whatever  shall 
appear  to  be  God's  will,  I  will  do.  In  parting 
I  would  only  add,  that  I  trust  that,  in  the 
freedom  with  which  I  have  canvassed  your 
views,  I  have  not  in  any  respect  injured  your 
feelings." 

As  we  left  the  Executive  Mansion,  Dr.  Demp- 
ster and  the  writer  naturally  compared  impressions 
made  by  the  interview,  and  we  found  ourselves 
in  entire  agreement.  Our  minds  were  full  of 
hope.  The  subject  had  evidently  been  under 
thoughtful  consideration  by  the  President,  and 
the  seemingly  strong  objections,  which  he  urged 
to  our  request,  struck  us,  after  all,  as  in  a 
measure  old  and  outworn ;  as  if  they  had  lost 
to  his  mind  most  of  the  force  which  they  might 
once  have  had.  We  thought  it  probable  that,  if 
the  approaching  battle  at  Antietam  should  prove 
favorable  to  the  Union  cause,  it  would  be  followed 
by  a  proclamation  of  emancipation. 

This  account  of  what  actually  was  said,  at  the 
interview,  will  show  the  unhistoric  character  of 
the  statement  made  by  Hon.  George  S.  Boutwell, 
in  his  Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  that, 
"  at  his  interview  with  the  Chicago  clergy,  he 
stated  his  reasons  against  emancipation,  and 
stated  them  so  forcibly,  that  the  clergy  were  not 
prepared  to  answer  them."  As  to  this  the  reader 
will  judge. 


34 

We  reached  Chicago,  on  Tuesday,  September 
16th,  and  on  Friday,  the  19th,  made  our  written 
report  to  another  immense  gathering  of  the 
citizens,  in  Bryan  Hall.  Meanwhile  the  battle 
of  Antietam  had  been  fought,  on  the  17th.  The 
report  gave  so  fully  and  forcibly  the  objections 
mentioned  by  the  President,  that  the  Democratic 
newspapers  of  the  next  morning  declared  them  to 
be  a  complete  answer  to  the  Memorial,  thought 
the  case  settled  adversely,  appreciated  highly  the 
joke  about  the  Pope's  bull  against  the  comet,  and 
ridiculed  the  hopes  expressed  by  the  Delegation. 
But  when  the  report  appeared  in  print,  in  the 
daily  papers  of  Tuesday,  the  23d,  by  its  side 
appeared  President  Lincoln's  preliminary  pro- 
clamation of  emancipation,  dated  September  22d, 

1862,  announcing   his   purpose,   on   January   1st, 

1863,  to  declare  free  the  slaves  in  all  the  States 
or    parts    of    States,    which    should    then    be    in 
rebellion. 

It  is  now  known,  that  previous  to  this  interview, 
President  Lincoln  had  not  only,  as  he  intimated 
to  us,  solemnly  considered  the  subject,  but  had 
even  made  a  tentative  draft  of  a  proclamation, 
and  discussed  it  in  his  Cabinet,  leaving  the  fact 
and  time  of  its  publication  quite  undetermined. 
But  that  our  humble  mission  was  not  destitute 
of  some  final  influence,  in  resolving  doubts  and 
putting  an  end  to  delay,  is  more  than  probable. 


35 

Mr.  F.  B.  Carpenter,  in  his  "Six  Months  at 
the  White  House,"  testifies,  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
told  him  that  his  second  draft  of  the  Preliminary 
Proclamation  was  written  at  the  Soldiers'  Home, 
after  the  news  had  arrived  of  the  favorable  result 
of  the  battle  of  Antietam  (September  17th),  which 
prevented  General  Lee's  contemplated  invasion 
of  Pennsylvania.  On  the  20th  he  laid  it  before 
the  Cabinet,  telling  the  members  (as  Secretary 
S.  P.  Chase  informed  Mr.  Carpenter),  with  much 
solemnity  of  manner,  that  just  before  the  battle 
of  Antietam,  he  solemnly  promised  his  God,  that 
if  the  battle  went  favorably  to  the  Union  cause, 
he  would  proclaim  freedom  to  the  slaves.  As 
our  interview  with  him  was  four  days  before  the 
battle,  the  appeal  which  the  delegation  made  to 
his  conscience  and  to  his  faith  in  Providence, 
may  well  have  aided  in  bringing  him  to  make 
such  a  vow. 

A  leading  editor  of  Chicago  (Mr.  Medill), 
returning,  a  few  months  after,  from  a  visit  to 
Washington,  said :  "  Secretary  Stan  ton  told  me 
to  say  to  those  Chicago  clergymen,  who  waited 
on  the  President  about  the  Proclamation  of  Eman- 
cipation, that  their  interview  finished  the  business. 
After  thatj  there  was  no  manifestation  of  doubt, 
or  talk  of  delay.  Mr.  Lincoln's  mind  was  firmly 
made  up."  Two  years  later,  in  July,  1864,  the 
writer  had  a  brief  interview  with  Mr.  Lincoln, 


36 

at  Washington,  in  which  he  expressed  entire 
satisfaction  with  the  step  thus  taken,  although 
the  immediate  advantages  had  not  been  as  great 
as  some  had  expected.  We  can  all  now  see  how 
vast  and  beneficent  were  the  ultimate  results, 
and  every  one  may  well  rejoice,  who  was  per- 
mitted in  any  degree  to  aid  in  securing  them. 


